C. Iuli Caesaris Commentarii rerum in Gallia gestarum VII

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C. IULI CAESARIS
COMMENTARII

RERUM IN GALLIA GESTARUM
VII

A. HIRTI COMMENTARIUS VIII.

EDITED BY

T. RICE HOLMES
Hon. Litt.D. (Dustin)

OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1914

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK
TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY
HUMPHREY MILFORD M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY

1976602
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iv PREFACE

should be impracticable, to read them aloud them-
selves. I feel less diffidence in making this suggestion
because it has been made already by well-known
critics as well as by the Curricula Committee of the
Classical Association, and because the books which
I have named have been in part translated into
German for the use of schools. If, before a boy
begins to grapple with Caesar’s Latin, he has got
a general notion of the whole story, he will work with
far more heart.

The principle to which I have adhered in writing
my notes has been to avoid giving any information
which the learner can easily acquire for himself
through the medium of grammar, dictionary, or such
other books as he may fairly be supposed to have.
My aim hae been not to save him the labour—if
I had done so he would only have been bored—but to
let him feel the pleasure of thinking; and I have
therefore tried, as far as was possible with due regard
to space, to appeal to his reason,—not only to state
results, but to enable him to follow the steps by
which they were attained. Merely inform a pupil that
Alesia was situated on Mont Auxois, and you will
profit him little, for cut-and-dried information is
indigestible; but make him understand that it was
there and that to suppose that it was anywhere else
involves absurdities, and you will set his intellect to
work. I desire indeed to appeal not only to the learner's
reason but also to his scepticism and his latent critical
acumen. I should be glad to hear that he had tried
to pick holes in my arguments; for I do not wish
him to accept them until he is convinced that they
are sound. For the benefit of any one who may be
disposed to test them, I have given at the end of
various notes references to my larger books; and
I hope that some readers may feel moved to gain such
a inastery of the subject as is unattainable with a
succinct commentary.

PREFACE v

The High Master of St. Paul's School, to whom
I am grateful, has read nearly all my manuscript ;
and, after considering his suggestions, I wrote some
additional notes, struck out one or two, and modified
a few others; but he is not responsible for anything
which this book contains.

I have thought it right to confine myself in the
notes to explaining Caesar's text. Various historical
comments and other remarks which may be helpful,
but which would have been out of place in an edition
of the Commentaries, are to be found in Part I of my
Caesar's Conquest of Gawl (second edition) and of
Ancient Britain.

Some readers may perhaps find opportunities of
exploring the scenes of Caesar's more important
operations ; for when one finds oneself, say, at Martigny
or upon the plateau of Alesia, the chapters in which
Caesar describes what happened there become more
vivid than even the best maps and plans can make
them. I have given on pages 447-8 directions as to
the best way of reaching the various places which
I have in mind.

It is now usual in English schools to read the
classics in snippets, partly, I suppose, in order that
boys may become acquainted with many authors
before they leave school. But by following this plan
they cannot become intimate with any. One may
read Macaulay’s essay on Clive with profit even if
one ignores all the others; but to read the ninth
chapter only of his History of England would not
be wise. Moreover, there is no reason, apart from the
consideration of what subjects are most remunerative,
why Caesar should only be used as an elementary
text-book. It cannot be read with the maximum of
profit by a young boy, and it ought to be read rapidly
through, at least once, by the highest form in the
school. In saying this I have the support of the
late High Master of St. Paul's, who told me that

vi PREFACE

when he was High Master of Manchester Grammar
School he read the whole work with his best pupils.
Apart from the mere interpretation of the Latin,
which requires far more scholarship than is commonly
supposed, the book demands, for its full comprehension,
at least such an elementary knowledge of Roman
history as may be acquired from the late Professor
Pelham's masterly Outlines. Furthermore, it demands
intelligence sufficiently developed to understand the
exposition of ethnological, social, religious, and political
questions; and this demand can hardly be satisfied
by the Fourth Form.

In conclusion let me translate an extract from
a letter relating to Caesar, which Mommsen wrote in
1894 to Dr. Heinrich Meusel:—' The noble work
deserves all the labour that can be spent upon it.
The enormous difference between these Commentaries
and everything else that is called Roman History
cannot be adequately realized.'

11 Douro PLACE,
KENSINGTON, W.
November 18, 1918.

CONTENTS

PAGE
PREFACE. . . . . . . . . iil
LisT OF ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . . vill
How AND WHEN CAESAR WROTE THE COMMENTARIES . ix
THE TExT OF THE COMMENTARIES . . . . x1
THE CREDIBILITY OF CAESAR'S NARRATIVE. . . xvi
THE ETHNOLOGY OF GAUL . . . . . . XX
How SOME OF CAESAR'S CAMPS AND OTHER EARTH-
WORKS HAVE BEEN DISCOVERED . . . . XXXV
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . XXXIX
Text. . . . . . . . . . . 1
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX . . . . . . . 403
APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . 486
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES . . . . . . 449
INDEX OF NOTES . . . . . . . . 455
CORRIGENDA and ADDENDA... . . . . . 459
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Colonel Stoffel's method of Excavation . pages xxxv-xxxvill
Gaul in the Time of Caesar. . . . fo face page 1
Defeat ofthe Helvetii . . . . " 25
Operations on the Aisne . , . ; . » 73
Battle of Neuf-Mesnil . . . . " 88
Caesar's Bridge over the Rhine |. . » 145
. . . page 146
South-eastern Britain. . to face page 151
The Agger at Avaricum, according to General
de Reffye . . . . . . 3 294
Gergovia . . . . . . » 305
Labienus's Campaign against Camulogenus . » 325
Dijon and its Northern nvirons . . . » 335
Alesia . . . . . . . " 339
Uxellodunum . . . . . . » 385
Namur. . . » 410
How wagons are arranged i ina Langer . . page 436
A Tormentum! . . . . . . » 441

! Reproduced by the kind permission of Dr. H. Meusel.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

A. B.= Rice Holmes's Ancient Britain and the Invasions of
Julius Caesar, 1907.

A. C.S.= A. Holder's Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz.

A. J. = Archaeological Journal.

B. ph. W. = Berliner philologische Wochenschrift.

C. G. = Rice Holmes's Caesar's Conquest of Gaul, 2nd ed., 1911.

C. I. L. — Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.

C.J. = Classical Journal (Chicago).

Cl. Ph. = Classical Philology (Chicago).

C. Q. = Classical Quarterly.

C. R. — Classical Review.

C. S. = A. Klotz's Cásarstudien.

D. R. KR. = G. Long's Decline of the Roman Republic.

D.S.= Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire des antiquités
grecques et romaines.

G. C. = Stoffel’s Histoire de Jules César,-- Guerre civile.

G. K. — A. von Góler's Caesars Gallischer Krieg, 2nd ed., 1880.

H. G. — C. Jullian's Histoire de la Gaule.

H. R. = Th. Mommsen’s History of Rome.

J. B. = Jahresberichte des philologischen Vereins zu Berlin.

L. C. = H. Meusel's Lexicon Caesarianum.

N. J. — Neue Jahrbücher für Philologie, &c.

N. ph. R. Neue philologische Rundschau.

Ph. — Philologus.

Ph. Suppl. — Philologus, Supplementband.

P. S. A. = Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London.

R. E. A. — Revue des études anciennes.

Rh. M. = Rheinisches Museum.

S. P. A. = Sitzungsberichte der küniglich preussischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften.

Th. l. L. = Thesaurus linguae Latinae.

Tr. = Rice Holmes's Caesar's Commentaries . . . translated
into English.

W. kl. Ph. = Wochenschrift für klassische Philologie.

Z. G. — Zeitschrift für das Gymnasialwesen.

Z.0. Gy. = Zeitschrift für die üsterreichischen Gymnasien.

x HOW CAESAR WROTE THE COMMENTARIES

we are told that they vigorously attacked Quintus Cicero,
and in vii, 75, § 8 Caesar says that they were called upon
to contribute 6,000 men to the army which attempted to
relieve Vercingetorix. Again, in vi, 2, § 8 Caesar affirms
that ‘all the Cisrhenane Germans’, who included the
Segni and Condrusi, were in arms against him: in vi, 31,

§§ 1-2 he implies that these two tribes proved their inno-
P

cence. But many of the Nervians who fought against
Cicero had doubtless been too young to fight three years
before ; the statement that the tribe was wellnigh exter
minated may have been only a rhetorical flourish, based
upon misleading reports, which Caesar or his secretary
had not had time or inclination to sift; and the inconsie
tency between vi, 2 and vi, 81 only proves that he did
not thoroughly revise his work. Even real inconsisten-
cies, which are very few, can be accounted for by hasty
use of discordant materials, lapse of memory, or mere
carelessness.

It may be regarded, then, as certain that Caesar wrote
the Commentaries after the campaign of 52 ».c. ; and the
only question is whether, he wrote them in the winter
following that campaign or later. I am not sure that he
would have had time to write thera in the winter ; for
from the very beginning of 51 he was hard at work, cam-
paigning against the Bituriges and other tribes. Momm-
sen, indeed, argues (Hist. of Rome, v, 1895, p. 499, n. 1)
that the book must have been not only written but pub-
lished before the end of 51, because in vii, 6, $ 1 Caesar
' approves the exceptional laws [ passed under the influence
of Pompey] of 702’ (52 5.c.), and he could not have done
this after his rupture with Pompey, when he reversed
certain judgements which were based upon those laws.
But why should not the publication have taken place in
50 s.c. —the year before that in which the civil war
began? It seems to me most probable that it did, for
this was the only year between Caesar's first consulship
and the last year of his life in which he was not fighting ;
and, as far as we know, he was then comparatively at
leisure (Caesar's Conquest of Gaul, pp. 202-10). See p. 436.

ULLUS Nt

THE TEXT OF THE COMMENTARIES

. Every one who can read the Commentaries with interest
will want to know how far the manuscripts in which

. they have been handed down to us correspond with what

Caesar wrote; for if he will think, he will see that none
of them correspond with it exactly, and that although
scholars have been trying ever since 1469, when the first
printed edition was published, to remove the errors,
many must still and always will remain. The oldest of
the extant manuscripts was written fully 900 years after
the book was first put into cireulation. Now, however
careful a scribe may be, he can hardly avoid making
some mistakes in copying out a written book ; the scribe
who copies his copy will make more; and soon. Even
contemporary copies of Caesar's original manuscript
doubtless contained mistakes. Cicero' complains that
books sold by the booksellers of Rome had been care-
lessly copied ; and, notwithstanding all the care of proof-
readers, few modern books are entirely free from printers'
errors. Besides, a manuscript might pass into the hands
of a reader who would make notes on the margin ; and if
another copy were to be made from the one which con-
tained these notes, the copyist might be misled into
incorporating them in the text. Thus two kinds of mis-
takes would gradually find their way in. An example
of the latter kind— nocte intermissa— will be found in
i. 27, $ 4. An example of the other shows how even
a very careful copyist might go astray. In viii, 82, $ 2
the famous stronghold, Uxellodunum, is mentioned for the
first time. | Uzellodunum was only written by the copyist
in two of the good manuscripts: the rest have aurilio
dunum, which, as every one will see, is nonsense. Can
you imagine how this curious blunder was made? In
this way. In some manuscript a reader wrote either
in the margin or above uzcllodunum (not Uzellodunum,
for even proper names were written with small initial
letters) the words a. uxillodumum, and by a., which was an

1 Q. fr., lil, 5-6, § 6.

xii THE TEXT OF THE COMMENTARIES

abbreviation, he meant aliter, ‘otherwise’. He wished to
show that besides uzellodunum there was another spelling
wrillodunum. This manuscript passed into the hands
of a copyist who misunderstood the abbreviation a. and
wrote auxillo dunum, and as | might easily be mistaken
for i, somebody else wrote auxilio dunum.

A great many manuscripts of Caesar exist; but only
nine or ten of them are now considered good. They are
divided into two groups, known as a and f, and generally
believed to be derived from a common original, or arche
' type, which is called X. Each manuscript is called by
a letter, which is here prefixed to the full name :—

-A = codex Bongarsianus (or Amstelodamensis 81) of the
ninth or tenth century.

B= Parisinus I (Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, 5768,

ninth or tenth century).
M = Vaticanus (Vatican, 3864, tenth century).

Q = Moysiacensis (Paris, Bibl. nat., 5056, twelfth cen-

tury).

S = Ashburnhamianus (Bibl. Laurent. R. 33, tenth

century).

a = Parisinus II or Thuaneus (Paris, Bibl. nat., 5764,

eleventh century).
f = Vindobonensis I (Bibl. Vindob. [ Vienna], 95, twelfth
century).

kh = Ursinianus (Vatican, 3824, eleventh century).

| = Riccardianus (Bibl. Riccard. [ Florence], 541, eleventh

or twelfth century).
H. Meusel traces the pedigree of these MSS. as follows:

X
= FF
a 6
(MÀ —"—

x $ 7" p
A à BMS af Al

To $ may be added the best manuscript in the British
Museum (Add. MSS. 10,084), which is known as Lova-
niensis and referred to as L. I have published a colla-
tion of this manuscript in the Classical Quarterly of July,
1911, and Meusel has estimated its value in Jahresberichte
des philologischen Vereins zu Berlin, 1912, pp. 15-18.

THE TEXT OF THE COMMENTARIES xiii

-. Professor A. Klotz (Rheinisches Museum, 1910, pp. 224-

* $4) thinks that the foregoing pedigree, which has been

7 generally accepted, is incorrect. He believes, with Pro-

+ fessor B. Kübler, that the archetype of all the extant

> MSS. was a copy belonging to B, and that a is descended
from a copy belonging to the same group, in which read-
ings from a manuscript of the sixth century, published
by two editors—Julius Celsus Constantinus and Flavius
Licerius Firminus Lupicinus— were inserted. Accord-
ingly Klotz has constructed this pedigree, which, in the
opinion of Meusel (Jahresberichte des philologischen Vereins
£u Berlin, 1912, pp. 18-21), may possibly be right :—

The two groups, « and f, differ from each other about
1,500 times; and an editor cannot do without either.
But when they differ and neither is obviously wrong,
how is he to decide between them? Simply, in most
cases, by considering the context or by carefully noting
Caesar's use of language in passages in which the two
groups agree. "This laborious task has been performed
by various critics, notably by three German scholars,
Rudolf Schneider, Meusel, and Alfred Klotz. Let me
give one or two examples. In v, 35, $ 5 a has (cum
a prima luce ad horam octavam) pugnaretur; B has
pugnassent. The former is preferable because Caesar in
describing the duration of a battle almost always uses
the passive. In vii, 64, $ 2 ah have (peditatu quem
ante) habuerat (se fore contentum dicit); while the rest
of the 8 MSS. have habuerit, which is certainly right,
because the relative clause is part of what Vercingetorix
said, and therefore the subjunctive is necessary. But in
some cases the claims of « and f appear to be equally
balanced ; and here, for reasons which I have given in the
Classical Review of 1901 (p. 175), I follow with Meusel
the reading of a.

THE TEXT OF THE COMMENTARIES xv

that I regard it as open to suspicion, though some
bracketed words are certainly spurious. The obvious
emendations, of which I have already given two examples,
and which, as a rule, I have adopted silently, will be
found in Meusel’s critical edition. The principle to which
I have adhered is never to incorporate an emendation in
the text, even when I am inclined to believe that it
represents what Caesar wrote, unless the MS. reading or
readings seem indefensible. When, for instance, one finds
that in vii, 10, § 1 expugnatis is used in a sense which
the verb has nowhere else in Caesar, and never in
Cicero or in Sallust, one feels the necessity of caution.

Nore.—When I quote readings adopted by Meusel which are not
in his text of 1894, they are to be found in the reissue of his school
edition (1908) unless I state that he has adopted them since.

xxii THE ETHNOLOGY OF GAUL

by hunters belonging to what is generally called the
Neanderthal race. after a skull which was found about
fifty years ago in the valley of the Neander in Rhenish
Prussia. As far as we ean tell from the bones that have
been discovered. they were short. sturdy men. with very
low receding foreheads. huge projecting brow ridges. and
certain ape-like features.— foc instance. extremely defective
chins. These people. althouzh they manufactured flint
tools with considerable skill. were certamly much inferior
in mentai power to others of a different type who were
their contemporaries ; and towards the end of the Palaeo-
lithie Age there dwelt in South-Western Gaul a people
who. as we may infer not only from their beautifully
formed heads. but from the wonderful works of art which
I have mentioned in the Introduction, were as intelligent
as modern Europears. Skulls of this type were dis-
covered at Laugerie-Basse and Chancelade in the valley of
the Lozere: and nearly related to the race which they
represent were people remarkable for great stature, some
of whose skeletons have been unearthed from caves near
Mentone, and who are generally called after a specimen
that was found beneath the rock-shelter of Cro-Magnon
in Périgord.

Thus even in the Old Stone Age the inhabitants of
Gaul belonged to several different types. Some ethnolo-
gists believe that the Neanderthal race became extinct ;
but descendants of the other groups were living in
Caesar’s time ; and their descendants are living now.

So much for the Palaeolithic Age. Of the Neolithic
Age, which followed it, we of course know much more.
The skeletons that have been found belong for the most
part to two groups. Both were short or of middle height,
and both, as we may infer from the complexion of their
modern descendants, were dark; but the shorter, who
are called after Grenelle, near Paris, where six typical
specimens were discovered, were sturdily built and had
short round heads; while the others, the most famous
representatives of whom belonged to the caverns of
l'Homme Mort and Baumes-Chaudes in the department
of the Lozere, were generally slender and had well-formed

xm THE ETHNOL/W*531 OF GAUL

reat iic. Esept 7s certamm parts ef Seotland, where
tht Zeemüszcs of Sexmügmsviams are mumserous, and in
o;c-a-iuvele pore. far pecebe mre more or less rare ; and
Ssrkress is rrbbxill Cmeressbag.

73s semeriv taker jw granted that the Celts brought
tie ll rzage whyk = exbé Celue into Gaul and that it
ZralcliY teeame cnivers exeec& in Aquitania. — Omne or
two wel-knowr writers however believe that the Celtic
Invalers when thev extered Gacl spoke German, and
armed Celue vm the people among whom they settled.
Theos Pr-fese-r Reizeway. speaking of the British Isles,
bct perhaps thinking ake of Gaul argues that even
when * eonquerors brinz with them some women of their
own race’. thev are generally - liable to drop their own
lanzuaze and practicaliy adopt that of the natives" ; and,
remarking that toth Gaelic and Welsh are still spoken in
the British Isles. he says that it is absurd to suppose that
the earlier inhabitants of Britain became ‘completely
Celiicized^ in speech in the few centuries that elapsed
between the Celtic invasions and the time of Caesar.
Now it is quite true that in many instances conquerors
have adopted the language of the people whom they con-
quered ; but in these cases the conquerors, besides being
far inferior in number, were also either less civilized or
not much more civilized than the conquered. The Celtic
conquerors of Gaul and Britain did bring with them not
only ‘some women’ but all their women ; for this was
the regular practice both of the Celts and of the Germans.’
The time in which, according to Professor Ridgeway, it is
incredible that the Celtic language became dominant in
Britain and in Gaul was considerably longer than that
in which, as he admits, the language of a small minority
of English settlers became dominant in Ireland. Remem-
ber how quickly the language of Rome took root in
Britain, Gaul, and Spain. If we were to suppose that
the Celtie conquerers of Gaul learned Celtic from the

! See B.G., i, 29, $15; 51, $88; iv, 14, § b.
2 Seo Prof. F. J, Haverfield's The Romanization of Roman Britain,
2nd ed., 1912, pp. 24-9.

xxxvii DISCOVERY OF CAESAR'S CAMPS

(see p. 305)]. There the layer of productive soil, at the
most 50 or 60 centimetres thick (if my memory is good),
lies upon a calcareous subsoil as hard and white as

chalk: the ditches of the camp, filled with a mixture
of productive soil and chalk, presented outlines which
stood out against the earth by which they were surrounded,
as sharply as the annexed triangle ABc on the white

paper.’

]xvi INTRODUCTION
sanction ; and it can hardly be doubted that he dreamed

of adding a new province to the empire, which should f

round off its frontier and add to its wealth. But whether
he had definitely resolved to attempt & conquest of such
magnitude, or merely intended to follow, as they appeared,
the indications of fortune, it would be idle to conjecture.
The greatest statesman is, in a sense, an opportunist.
When Caesar should find himself in Gaul, he would know
best how to shape his ends.

ne 9 ^7" ram Se

COMMENTARIUS I 48

Haec eodem tempore Caesari mandata referebantur 37 Caesar
et legati ab Haeduis et a Treveris veniebant: Haedui 2 ains
questum quod Harudes, qui nuper in Galliam trans- = Ario-

portati essent, fines eorum popularentur: sese ne vistus,
& obsidibus quidem datis pacem Ariovisti redimere
potuisse; Treveri autem, pagos centum Sueborum ad s
ripas Rheni consedisse, qui Rhenum transire cona-
rentur; his praeesse Nasuam et Cimberium fratres.
Quibus rebus Caesar vehementer commotus maturan- 4
16 dum sibi existimavit, ne, 81 nova manus Sueborum
cum veteribus copiis Ariovisti sese coniunxisset,
minus facile resisti posset. Itaque re frumentaria 5
quam celerrime potuit comparata magnis itineribus
&d Ariovistum contendit.
1; Cum tridui viam processisset, nuntiatum est ei 38 and fo

Ariovistum cum suis omnibus copiis ad occupandum el
Vesontionem, quod est oppidum maximum Sequa- on
esar

norum, contendere [triduique viam a suis finibus — (4.
processisse]. Id ne accideret, magnopere sibi prae- 2

30 cavendum Caesar existimabat. Namque omnium re- ?
rum quae ad bellum usui erant summa erat in eo
oppido facultas, idque natura loci sic muniebatur ut 4

87, § 2. eorum. See the first note on 5,$ 4.

$ 4. Sueborum. According to Tacitus (Germania, 38), Suebi
was a general name, denoting & people whose several tribes
had oe names. The hundred pagi are noticed again
in iv, 1, § 4.

§ 5. re frumentaria...comparata. These words, as one might
infer from 39, § 6 and 40, § 11, are not identical in meaning
with frumento ...comparato. ‘The sense is ‘he arranged as
quickly as possible for a supply of corn’. The corn was to be
sent after him.

38, § 1. triduique viam ... processisse. Meusel (J. B., 1910, p. 44)
is, I think, right in bracketing these words, although I do not
accept all his arguments. Following (cum) tridui riam pro-
cessisset, the clause is suspicious. Moreover, it would seem to
imply that Ariovistus had already completed the three days'
journey ‘from his own territory '—that is, from the territor
which he had wrested from the Sequani (31, $10) — when Caesar's
informant started on his errand. If so, Ariovistus would nearly
have reached Vesontio (Besancon) when the messenger reached
Caesar; andthe suspected words would be inexplicable. There-
fore, although I can frame no theory to account for the supposed
interpolation, I tentatively follow Meusel (C. G., pp. 637-8).

$ 3. idque. W. Paul (B. ph. W., 1884, col. 1209-10), who thinks

COMMENTARIUS I 65

Labienum praeposuit; ipse in citeriorem Galliam ad 3
conventus agendos profectus est.

from them (31, $ 10). Presumably Caesar now restored it to
the Sequani. By quartering his legions in the country of the
Sequam instead of withdrawing them into the Province he
made it evident that his purpose was nothing less than to
conquer Gaul.

$ 3. ad conventus agendos. The word concentus is used by
Caesar in the sense of an assembly or meeting (18, $ 2), of the
community of Roman citizens living in a provincial town (B. C.,
iii, 29, $ 1, &c.), and, as in this passage, v, 1, $ 5, 2, $ 1, vi, 44,
$ 3, and vii, 1, $ 1, of judicial or administrative business per-
formed by himself, as Governor, in an assembly of Roman
citizens or provincials. As he went on circuit, like a judge,
through Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum to discharge these duties,
we may translate ad conventus agendos by ‘to hold the assizes '".
He used to go to North Italy for the winter, partly with this
object, partly to keep in touch with Italian politics, and to look
after his own interests.

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ae

COMMENTARIUS V 227

discedunt. Subito Labienus duabus portis omnem 4 Sortie of.
equitatum emittit; praecipit atque interdicit, perter- rab e .
ritis hostibus atque in fugam coniectis (quod fore, Indutio-
. ° 4° . . marus
sicut accidit, videbat) unum omnes petant Indutio- killed.
5 marum, neu quis quem prius vulneret quam illum
interfectum viderit, quod mora reliquorum spatium
nactum illum effugere nolebat; magna proponit iis 5
qui occiderint praemia; submittit cohortes equitibus
subsidio. Comprobat hominis consilium fortuna et, 6
10 cun unum omnes peterent, in ipso fluminis vado
deprehensus Indutiomarus interficitur caputque eius
refertur in castra; redeuntes equites quos possunt
consectantur atque occidunt. Hac re cognita, omnes 7
Eburonum et Nerviorum quae convenerant copiae
15 discedunt, pauloque habuit post id factum Caesar
quietiorem Galliam.
4. praecipit atque. interdicit. The former verb of course
refers to unum ... Indutiomarum, the latter to neu quis ...
tiderit ; but, as in 22, $ 5, it is impossible to use two verbs
in translation: 'giving stringent orders' will bring out the
sense.
§ 6. hominis. See the note on 7, $9. I doubt whether our
language can adequately express the compliment which the
word implies (though Schneider may be right in thinking that
it is used with a touch of irony). If Caesar had written in

English, he might perhaps have said, ‘the general's’ (good
fortune), suggesting that Labienus was a good general.

Q2

To face page 294

Ac

Desperate 24

sortie from
Avaricum
repulsed.
2
3
. 4
5

25

COMMENTARIUS VII 961

Sequanos proficisci iubet; huic M. Sempronium Ruti-
lum attribuit. C. Fabium legatum et L. Minucium 5
Basilum cum legionibus duabus in Remis conlocat,
ne quam a finitimis Bellovacis calamitatem accipiant.
5 C. Antistium Reginum in Ambivaretos, T. Sextium 6
in Bituriges, C. Caninium Rebilum in Rutenos cum
singulis legionibus mittit. Q. Tullium Ciceronem et 7
P. Sulpicium Cavilloni et Matiscone in Haeduis ad
Ararim rei frumentariae causa conlocat. Ipse Bibracte 8
10 hiemare constituit. His (rebus ex Caesaris) litteris
cognitis Romae dierum XX supplicatio redditur.
$ 8. Ipse . . . constituit. Evidently Caesar had reason to
believe. that fresh disturbances might break out at any
momen

rebus ex Caesaris is an obviously necessary addition, made by
Meusel.

COMMENTARIUS VIII 401

IIII in Belgio conlocat, C. Fabium cum totidem in
Haeduos deducit. Sic enim existimabat tutissimam 5
fore Galliam, si Belgae, quorum maxima virtus, et
Haedui, quorum auctoritas summa esset, exercitibus
5 continerentur. Ipse in Italiam profectus est.
Quo eum venisset, cognoscit per C. Marcellum con- 55 The two
sulem legiones duas ab se missas, quae ex senatus Ie&íons
consulto deberent ad Parthicum bellum duci, Pompeio in Italy.
traditas atque in Italia retentas esse. Hoc facto?
10 quamquam nulli erat dubium quidnam contra Cae-
sarem pararetur, tamen Caesar omnia patienda esse
statuit, quoad sibi spes aliqua relinqueretur iure potius
disceptandi quam belligerandi. Contendit...

55, $ 1. C. Marcellum, —khe Marcellus mentioned in 48, § 10.

1069.3 D d

VELLAVII—VOLCAE 435

Sos, and the Tarusates dwelt either in the district of Aire or in
the neighbouring district of Tartas, The Vocates are generally
identified with the Boiates, who occupied the district of Buch,
near Arcachon. But this will not do; for Arcachon is far away
from Aire and from Tartas, whereas the Vocates were close to
the Tarusates. Whether the Vocates possessed Buch or not,
their country must have extended southward into the depart-
ment of Les Landes (C. G., pp. 500-1).

Vocontii.—The chief towns of this Alpino people were
Vasio (Vaison), Lucus Augusti (Luc), and Dea (Die), and on
the north they were conterminous with the Allobroges (1, 10, $ 5).
But it is impossible to define their frontiers, because the territory
which undoubtedly belonged to them was surrounded by the
territories of minor peoples—the Memini, Vulgientes, Quariates,
Bodiontici, Avantici, Tricorii, and Uceni— whom Caesar ignores,
and who may have been j of theirs, actually included within
their territory, or may only have been their dependants (clientes);
while some of these peoples may have been pagi or dependants
of the Caturiges or of the Allobroges (C. G., pp. 501-2).

Volcae.—The Volcae (Arecomici and Tectosages) possessed
the country between the Rhóne, the Cevennes, the upper
Garonne, and the Mediterranean. According to Strabo (iv, 1,
$ 12), Narbo belonged to the Arecomici; according to Ptolemy
(Geogr., ii, 10, § 6), to the Tectosages. A passage in B.G., vii, 7,
§ 4—praesidia in Rutenis provincialibus, Volcis Arecomicis, Tolo-
satibus, circumque Narbonem . . . constituit —seems to imply that
Narbo was not, at all events in 52 B. C., in the country of tho
Arecomici.

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Acco, vi, 4, 1; 44, 2; vii, 1, 4.
Adiatunnus, iii, 92, 1. 4.
Aemilius, i, 23, 2.

Africanum bellum, viii, praef., 8.

Africus, v, 8, 2.

Agedincum, vi, 44, 3 ; vii, 10,4 ; 57,
1; 59,4; 62, 10.

Alesia, vii, 68, 1-8; 75-7; 79,1.3;
80, 9; 84, 1; viii, 14, 1; 84, 1.

Alexandria, viii, praef., 2.

Alexandrinum bellum viii, praef.,8.

Allobróges, i, 6, 2. 8; 10, b; 11,5;
14.8. 6 ; 28, 3. 4; 44, 9; iii, 1;
6,5; vii, 64, 5. 7; c5, 8.

Alpes, i, 10, 8; iii, 1, 1. 2; 2,5;
7,1; iv, 10, 3.

Ambarri, i, 11, 4; 14, 8.

Ambiani, ii, 4, 9; 15, 2; vii, 75, 3;
viii, 7, 4.

Ambibarii, vii, 75, 4.

Ambiliáti, iii, 9, 10.

Ambidrix, v, 24, 4 ; 26,1; 27,1.11;
29, 5; 81, 6; 34,8; 86-8 ; 41,2.
4; vi, 2,2; 5,1.89.4; 6,8; 9,2;
29-33; 42,3; 48, 4; viii, 24, 4 ;
25, 1.

Ambivaréti, vii, 75, 2 ; 90, 6.

Ambivariti, iv, 9, 8.

Anartes, vi, 25, 2.

Ancalites, v, 21, 1.

A.ndebrogius, ii, 3, 1.

Andes, ii, 85, 3 ; iii, 7, 2;
75, 3; viii, 26, 2.

Antistius Reginus, vi, 1, 1; vii, 83.
3; 90, 6.

Antonius, vii, 81, 6; viii, 2, 1; 24,
2; 88,1; 46,4; 47,2; 48,1.8.9;
50, 1-3.

A pollo, vi, 17, 2.

Aquileia, i, 10, 8.

Aquitàüni, i, 1, 1. 2 ; iii, 21, 3.

Aquitania, i, 1, 7 ; iii, 11, 8 ; 20,1;
21,1; 28,9; 26,6; 27,1; vii, 31,
5; viii, 46, 1. 2.

Árar, i, 12, 1. 2; 13,
90, 7 ; viii, 4, 8.
Arduenna (silva), v, 8,4 ; vi, 29, 4;

81, 2;

Arecomici. See Volcae.

Aremoricae civitates, v, 58,6; vii,
75, 4 ; viii, 81, 4.

Ariovistus, i, 81-4; 36-50; 58, 3.4;
iv, 16, 7 ; v, 29, 8; 55,2; vi, 12, 2.

1069-3

vii, 4,6;

1; 16,8; vii,

Aristius, vii, 42, 5
Arpinéius, v, 27,
Arverni, i, $1, 8.

; 43, 1.
1;
4;

1; 75,2: 77, 8;
viii, 46, 4.

Arvernus, vii, 4, 1;
88, 4; viii, 44, 8.

Atius Varus, viii, 28, 2.

Atrebas, iv, 27, 2; 35, 1; v, 22, 3;
vi, 6,4 ; vii. 76, 3; viii, 6, 2 2; 7,
b ; 21, 1; 47, 1.

Atrebites, ii, 4, 9; 16,2; 23,1; iv,
21,7; v. 46,3; vii, 75, 3; viii, 7,
4; 47,2.

Atrius, v, 9, 1; 10,2.

Atuatiica, vi, 32, 8 ; 85, 8. 10.

Atuatici, ii, 4, 9; 16, 4; 29, 173],
4; v, 27, 2; 88,1. 2; 39,8; 56,1;
vi, 2. 8 ; 33, 2.

76, 8; 83,0;

". Aulerci, ii, 34 ; iii, 29, 8; vii, 4,6;

viii, 7. 4.
Aulerci Brannovices, vii, 75, 2.
Aulerci Cenomini, vii, 75, 8.

Aulerci Eburovices, iii, 17, 3; vii,
75, 3.

Aulercus, vii, 57, 9.

Aurunculéius Cotta, ii, 11, 8; iv, 22,

5; 38,8; v, 24, 5 ; 26, 2; 28-31;
33, 2 ; 35-7 1 52, 4; vi, 32, 4 5; 87.
8.

Ausci, iii, 27, 1.

Avaricensis, vii, 47, 7.

Avaricum, vii, 18, 3; 15,3; 16, 1.
2; 18, 1; 29-82; 47, 5; 62, 2.
Axona, ii, 5, 4 ; 9,3.

Bacénis, vi, 10, 5.
Bacülus. See Sextius.
Balbus, viii, praef.. 1.

' Baleares, ii, 7, 1.

Balventius, v, 35, 6.

Basilus. See Minucius.

Batavi, iv, 10, 1.

Belgae, i, 1, 1. 2. 8. 5. 6 ; ii, 1-6; 14,
1.6; 15,1. 5; 17,2; 19,1; iii, 7,
1; 11,2; iv, 38,4 ; viii, 6,2; 38,

1; 54, b.

Belgium, v, 12, 2; 24, 2; 25,4 ; viii,
46, 4. 6 ; 49,1; 54, 4.

Bellováci, ii, 4, 5; 5, 8; 10, 5; 18,
1; 14, 2.5 ; v, 46,1; vii, 59,2. 5

ag

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Decetia, vii, 38, 2.

Diablintes, iii, 9, 10.

Dis pater, vi, 18, 1.

Diviciácus (Druid), i, 8, 5; 16, 5;
18-20 ; 81, 8; 82, 1. 8; 41,4; ii,
5, 2; 10,5; 14,1; 15,1; vi, 12,
5; vii, 89, 1.

Diviciácus (King of the Suessiónes),
ii, 4, 7.

Divico, i, 18, 2 ; 14, 7.

Domitius, v, 1, 1.

Domnotaurus, vii, 65, 2.

Drappes, viii, 80, 1; 82, 1. 2; 81-6;
89, 1; 44,2

Dübis, i, 88, 4.

Dumnicus, viii, 26, 2.3; 27, 2.5;
29, 1; 81, 1. 2. 5.

Dumnüórix, i, 8, 6 ; 9, 2.8;
v, 6,1. 2; 7, 1.8. 6.

Duratius, viii, "26, 1.2; 27, 1.

Durocortórum, vi, 44, 1.

Durus. See Laberius.

18-20 ;

Eburónes, ii, 4,10; iv, 6, 4; v, 24,
4; 28,1; 29, 2; 39,3; 47,5; 58,
7; vi, 5, 43 31, 5 82,.1.2. 4; 84,
8; 85, 1.4

Eburovices. p» Aulerci.

Elaver, vii, 84, 2 ; 85, 1; 58, 4.

Eleuteti, vii, 76, 2.

Elusátes, iii, 27, 1.

Epasnactus, viii, 44, 3.

Eporédórix, vii, 88, 2; 39, 1. 8;
40, 5; 54.1; 55,4; 63,9; 64,5;
76, 8.

Eporódórix (commander of Aedui in
war with Séquani), vii, 67, 7.

Eratosthénes, vi, 24, 2.

Esuvii, ii, 84; iii, 7, 4 ; v, 24,2; vii,
75, 8.

C. Fabius, v, 24, 2; 46,3; 47,3; 53,
8; vi, 6,1; vii, 40, 8; 41,2. 4;
87,1; 90,5; viii, 6,3; 24,2; 27,
1-8; 28, 1; 31, 1. 8. 4; 87, 8;
54, 4.

L. Fabius, vii, 47, 7; 50, 3.

Q. Fabius Maximus,.i, 45, 2.

Flaccus. See Valerius.

Fufius Cita, vii, 8, 1.

Gabáli, vii, 7, 2; 64, 6; 76, 2,

Gabinius, i, 6, 4.

Galba, ii, 4, 7; 18, 1.

Ser. Galba, iii, 1, 1. 4; 3,1; 5,2; 6,
4 ; viii, DO, 4.

Galli, Gallia, passim.

Galli equites, i, 28, 2; 42,5; v, 48,
3; vi, 7, 7.

451
Gallia Cisalpina, vi, 1, 2, equivalent
to

Gallia oiterior, i 24,2; 54,8; ii, 1
1; 2,1; v,1 ; 2,1; viii, 28, 3 ;
54, 8, and to

Gallia togata, viii, 24, 8; 52, 1. 2.

Gallia provincia, i, 19, 8; 28, 4 ; 85,
tá 44,7; 58,6; iii, 20, 2; vii, 77,

Gallia Transalpina, vii, 1, 2. See
Transalpina.

Gallia ulterior, i, 7, 1. 2; 10,3; ii,
2, 1.

Gallicus, i, 22, 2; 81, 11; 47, 4 ; iii,
11,5; 14,7; iv, 8,8; 5,2; 20,1;
v, 12, 8; 14, 1; 48, 1; 54, 4 ; vi,
7, 7; vii, 28, 1; 48, 8; 58, 8

Gallus. See Trebius.

Garumna, i, 1, 2. 5. 7.

Garumni, iii, 27, 1.

Gates, iii, 27, 1.

Geidumni, v, 89, 1.

Genáva, i, 6, 8 ; 7. 1. 2.

Gergovia, vii, 4, 2; 84, 2; 36-8;
40-8; 45, 4; 59, l.

Germani, passim. See Cisrhenani,
Transrhenani.

Germani equites, vi, 87, 1; vii, 18. 1.

Germania, iv, 4,2; v, 18,6; vi, 11,
1; 24,2; 25, 4; 31,5; vii, 65, 4;
viii, 25, 2.

Germanicum bellum, iv, 16, 1.

Gobannitio, vii, 4, 2.

Gorgobína, vii, 9, 6.

Graecae litterae, i, 29, 1; v, 48, 1;
vi, 14, 8.

Graeci, vi, 24, 2.

Graiocéli, i, 10, 4.

Grudii, v, 89, 1.

Gutuater, viii, 38, 8.

Haedui, passim.

Harüdes, i, 81, 10; 87, 2; 51, 2.

Helveticum proelium, vii, 9, 6.

Helvetii, i, 1-19: 22-81; 40, 7. 13;
iv, 10, 3; vi, 25, 2; vii, 75, 8.

Helvetius, i, 2, 8; 12, 4. 6 ; 14, 1.

Helvii, vii, 7, b; 8, 1. 2; 64, 6; 65, 2.

Hercynia silva, vi, 24, 2; 25, 1.

Hibernia, v, 18, 2.

Hispüni equites, v, 26, 8.

Hispania, i, 1, 7 ; v, 1, 4; 13,2; 27,
1; vii, 65,8

Hispania citerior, iii, 28, 3.

Iccius, ii, 8, 1; 6, 4 ; 7, 1.

Illyrícum, ii, 85,2; iii, 7, 1; v, 1.6.

Indutiomürus, v, 8, 2. 4; 4,1.2.1;
26, 2; 58, 2; 55,1. 8; 57, 2. 3;
58, 1.2. 4.6; vi, 2,1; 8 8

ag2

: INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

etodarus, iii, 1, 4.
Ylovico, vii,
reynia, vi, 24, 2,

rge i, 2-4; 9,8; 26,4.
siemi, ij, 34; iii, 9, 10; vii, 75, 4.

"idus, v, 24, 4.

*memani, ii, 4, 10.

?arisli, vi, 8, 4; vii, 4, 6; 84, 2;
57,1; 75, 3.

?arthicum bellum, viii, 54, 1 ; 55, 1.

Paulus, viii, 48, 10.

Pedius, ii, 2, 1; 11, 8.

Petrocorii, vii, 75, 8.

Petronius, vii, 50, 4.

Petroeidius, v, 87, 5.

Pictónes, iii, 11,5; vii, 4,6; 75,3;
jii 26, 1; 25, 1.

Hay

Ie i % 4; 12,7.

L Pe (Grandfather of preceding’,
i, 1 .

M. Piso, i, 2, 1; 85, 4.

Piso Aquitanus, iv, 12, 4.

Plancus See Munatius.

Pleumoxii, v, 89, 1.

Pyrenaei montes, i, 1, 7.
Quadratus. See Volusonus.

Rauraci, i. 5, 4; 29, 2; vi, 25, 2;
vii, 75, 8.
Rebilus. See Caninius.
Redónes, ii, 84; vi
Reginus, See Antistius.
Remi, ii,8-7; 9,5; 12,1.5; iii,11,2;
n$4 24,3; 58,1; 54, 4; 56,5;
2, 7.95; 44, 1; vii, 68,75
iie; 11, 2; 12,8. 6.

Rhénus,i,1,4.5.6;2,9; 5,4; 27,4;
98,4; $1,511. 16; 33, 3; 85,3;
37,8; 48,9; 44, 2; 59,1; 54,1;
ii,'8, 4; 4, 1; 29, 45 35, 1

vii, 65, 8.

Roma, i, 31,9; vi, 12,5; v

Romani, Romanus, passim,

Roscius, v, 24, 2, 7; 59, 6.

Rufus. | See Sulpici

Ruténi, i, 45,2; vii, 6, 1; 7, 1.45
90, 6. .

Rutilus. See Sempronius.

Sabinus See Titurius,

Sabis, ii, 16, 1; 18, 1.

Samarobriva, v, 24, 1; 47, 2; 58, 3.

Santóni, i, 10, 1; 11,6; iii, 11,5;
vii, 76, 8.

Scaldis, vi, 88, 3.
Sedulius, vii, 88, 4.

0, 64,4; 75,2.
Sempronius Rutilus, vii, 90, 4.

Sénónes, ii, 2, 8; v, 54,2; 06, 1.4
2,8; 8,4. 5.6; 6,9; 44,1.8;

1
57, 1.4; 58, 3.6.
1; 812; 19,1;
1; 40,11; 44,9;

iij, 5, 2;

Sotiates, iii, 20, 2. 3; 21, 1. 2.

Susba, i, 58, 4.

Sutbiji 87, 8.4 5L 85 54,15 iv I
8; 8, 2, 7,8; 8,8; 16,5;

; 10,1,8-5; 29,1.

jte 12,1.4;

c
Sulpicius Hafus i iv, 22, 6; vii, 90,7.
Surus, vi

2.

Tarbelli, iii, 27, 1.
Toruk&tes, iii, $8, 1; 27, 1.
Tasgetius, v, 25, 1. 4; 29, 2.
Taximagülus, v, 2, 1
Tectosiges. Ses Voleae.

INDEX OF NOTES

[Only those notes are included which readers might not be able to find
easily without help. Very few of the critical notes are indexed. }

u prima obsidione, v, 45, 2.

ab latere aperto, i, 25, 6.

Ablative Absolute, remarkable use
of, i, 40, 1.

ac non, iii, 25, 1.

accidere, viii, 81, 1.

actuariae naves, v, 1, 2.

ad («circiter, i, 4, 2; with final
sense, v, 11, 6; meaning ‘in pro-
portion to ', v, 42, b.

ad clamorem, iv, 37, 2.

ad horam nonam, iv, 28, 4.

adducere, viii, 19, 8.

adjective, two, qualifying one
noun, used without et, i, 18, 10.

admonere, viii, 12, 7.

adulescens, i, 52, 7.

adversa nocte, iv, 28, 8.

aerariae secturaeque, iii, 21, 3.

aestus, meanings of, iv, 28, 6.

agger, primary meaning of, ii, 12, 5;
meaning ‘an embankment’, ii,
80, 8; vii, 24, 1. Cf. iii, 25, 1.

aggere ac molibus, iii, 12, 8.

alarii, i, D1, 1.

aliquando, vii, 27, 2; 77, 14.

aliqui, v, 26, 4.

altero die, vii, 11, 1.

ambactus, vi, 15, 2.

ammentum, v, 48, 5.

amplius, i, 38, b.

animus (= ‘ pastime"^, v, 12, 6. See
mens.

apertos cuniculos, vii, 22, 5.

atque, introducing a climax, iv, 25, 8.

Attraction of Mood, i, 89, 3 ; ii, 27,
1; iii. 12, 1; v, 6, 3; vi, 80, 2;
vii, 19, 8; 30, 4.

auctor, iii, 17, 3.

barbarus, i, 40, 9.

(toti; bello imperioque, v, 11, 9.
biduo post, i, 47, 1.

boni, viii, 22, 2.

calendar, Roman, i, 6, 4.

T captis... cohortibus, vii, 85, 8.
castella (Gallic:, ii, 29, 2.

cavalry, v, 46, 4.

— Á— —Ó—MÓÓM —MÀ——— € —M—À

————————M —MM MÀ — —— n

certiores faci!, followed by a subjunc-
tive, iii, 5, 8.

certus («constitutus or definitus',
ii, 22, 1 ; vi, 84, 1; vii, 16, 2.

cippus, vii, 73, 4.

cireumfundere, vii, 74, 1.

circumvallare, vii, 17, 1.

civilis dissensio, viii, praef., 2.

clientes (dependent tribes", i, 81, 6 ;
(retainers), i, 4, 2.

coins (British), v, 12, 4.

colonia, viii, 50, 1.

commissis . .. malis, vii, 22, 4.

coniurare, vii, 1, 1.

coniuratione facta, iv, 80, 2.

(in? conloquiis, vii, 59, 1.

consecutus id quod animo propo-
suerat, vii, 47, 1.

constituit (=se velle ostendit), iv,

, 5.

contabulare, v, 40, 6.

continentes (paludes, vi, 81, 2.

conventus, i, 54, 8.

copula, iii, 18, 8.

cum, used with the indicative to
express repeated action, i, 25, 3;
when used with the subjunctive,
i, 4, 3; 28,1; iii, 12, 1; vii, 88, 5,

de media nocte, ii, 7, 1.

de tertia vigilia, i, 12, 2.

denique, vii, 28, 5.

deponent, past participle of, v, 7, 3;
vii, 26, 2.

derectis lateribus, vii, 72, 1.

dicere, followed by a present infini-
tive, ii, 32, 3.

dies, when feminine, i, 6, 4 ; mean-
ing a period of time, i, 7, 6.

discessio, viii, 52, 5.

diutius, iif, 9, 5.

domum reditionis, i, 5, 3.

Druids, vi, 138, 10. 11; 14, 1. 5.

ducere bellum, i, 38, 4.

e regione, vii, 25, 2.

Eichheim, Max, vi, 35, 8.
ephippium, iv, 2, 4.

eques Romanus, i, 42, 6; vii, 60, 1.

INDEX OF NOTES

opus... munitionesque, iii, 8, 1.

Oratio Obliqua, rhetorica] questions
in, i, 40, 2; v, 28, 6.

orator, iv, 27, 8.

orbis, iv, 87, 2.

ordo ( x centuria), v, 85, 8; ( 2cen-
turio), v, 80, 1; (=‘rank’ or
*grade?) v, 85, 7; ordines (=
‘ranks’ in tactical sense), v, 87,
8.

pagus, iv, 1, 4 ; vi, 28, 1.
paludamentum, vii, 88, 1.

paratus, construction of, i, 44, 4.
pauci, noticeable meaning of, viii,

pecunia, vi, 19, 1.

per causam, vii, 9, 1.

per fidem, i, 46, 8.

per Remos, v, 58, 1.

phalange facta, i, 24, 5.

phalanx, i, 52, 4.

pinnae loricaeque, v, 40, 6.

plebes... nulli adhibetur concilio,
vi, 18, 1.

pluperfect indicative used instead
of perfect, ii, 1, 1.

plural verb, noticeable use of, i,

, 9.

pluteus, vii, 25, 1.

polliceri with a subjunctive, viii,
52, 4.

porta, iii, 19, 2; iv, 32, 1.

portoria, i, 18, 8.

post diem tertium, &c., iv, 9, 1;
28, 1.

praeda, vii, 89, 5.

praefecti, i, 89, 2.

praetoria cohors, i, 40, 15.

primary following secondary tenses
of the subjunctive, or vice versa, i,
31, 8. 12-16; 48, 8; 44, 18; vii,
20, 6 ; 29, 2.

primi pili centurio, iii, 5, 2.

primipilus, ii, 25, 1.

primorum ordinum centuriones, i,
41, 3.

princeps, i, 19, 8; ii, 5, 1; vii, 88,
4 ; viii, 12, 4.

principatus, i, 8, 5; v, 3, 2.

principatus totius Galliae, vii, 4, 1.

priores fossas, vii, 82, 8. 4.

priusquam, prius ... quam, iii, 26, 8;
iv, 12, 9 ; vi, 80, 2

pro suggestu, vi, 2, 6.

publice, iv, 3, 1.

quadratum agmen, viii, 8, 4.
quaestionem habere, vi, 19, 3.
quaestor, i, 52, 1.

A ——À—— Ba € M €——MM n €t án.

457
quisquam used adjectivally, vi, 36,
1

quod (conjunction), various uses of,
i, 18, 5; 14,8; iv, 22, 1.

quod si, i, 14, 3.

quoniam with a subjunctive, v, 3, 5.

quos ( « quo statu), vii, 54, 3.

recta regione, vi, 2b, 2.
regiones partesque, vi, 48, 6.
reno, vi, 21, 5.

Roche Blanche, vii, 86, 5.

sacramentum, vi, 1, 2.

Tsaltus', vii, 19, 2.

salus, vii, 19, b.

scorpio, vii, 25, 2.

se ipsi interficiunt, v, 37, 06.

sectio, ii, 88, 6.

signa (of Gauls and Germans, iv,
5,

signa ferre, &c., i, 89, 7.

speculator, ii, 11, 2.

speculatoria navigia, iv, 26, 4.

statio, ii, 18, 8; vi, 42, 1; viii, 12, 1.

stature of Gauls, ii, 30, 4.

sua sponte, i, 44, 2.

sub corona, iii, 16, 4.

sub iugum, i, 7, 4.

sub vexillo, vi, 36, 8.

subductis navibus, v, 11, 7.

subject of verb omitted, iv, 33, 1;
vii, 76, 2.

subjunctive, primary tenses of, fol-
lowing a past indicative, i, 14,
5-6; ii, 4, 2.4 ; iv, 7,8; v, 27, 4.
See primary.

subjunctive, causal, i, 86, 4 ; vi, 31,
5; concessive, vi, 86, 1; consecu-
tive, v, 44, 1; 58, 1; iterative
and causal, i, 25, 8; imperfect,
noticeable use of, iii, b, 1; per-
fect, i, 26, 2; various uses of, i,
8, 1; 6, 8; 16, 1; 28, 3; 40,1;
47,4; iii, 2, 4; 28, 1; iv, 2.1;
18, 5 ; vi, 25,5 ; 42, 1; vii, 17,7;
19, 8. 4; 83, 2; 72, 2; viii, 8, 8.

sublica, iv, 17, 9.

sui colligendi, iii, 6, 1.

sui recipiendi, iii, 4, 4.

summae spei, vii, 68, 9.

summis ( universis), v, 17, 5.

sunt qui, followed by an indicative,
iv, 10, 5.

suo nomine, i, 18, 8; vii, 75, 5; viii,
54, 8.

supplementum, vii, 7,5. Cf. i, 7, 2.

sustinere, iv, 88, 3.

458
suvs used emphatically, ii, 14, 5.
taboo, vi, 18, 3.

taleis ferreis, v, 12, 4.
tamen, i, 32, 5.

tenses (Latin, accurate use of, v.

56, 2.
testudines, v, 42, 5.
tormenta, ii, 8, 4; 1v. 25, 1; mean-
ing * windlasses’, vii. 22, 2.
totius fere Galliae, i, 39, 1.
transtra, iii, 13, 4.
tribunus militum, i, 39, 2.
triclinium, viii, 51, 3.
triplex acies, i, 24, 2.
tumulus terrenus, i, 43, 1.
turribus contabulare, vii, 22, 3.
turris, ii, 12, 5 ; iii, 14, 4 ; v. 40, 2.

INDEX OF NOTES

ultro. v. 40. 7.

urus, vi, 28, 1.

usu venire, vii, 9, 1.

«t depending on a substantive. vii,
1, 1; including senses of quant
quidem and quem ad modim, ii.
19. 6.

ut... non. i. 48, 3.

vallo munitionibusque. iii, 25, 1.

vallum, ii, 5, 6.

vastare, viii, 25. 4.

velis armamentisque, iii. 14. 7.

viae ‘of a camp, v. 49. 7.

videri (=<sibi videri^, ii, 11, 5; v,
51. 4.

vigilia, i, 12. 2.

vinea. ii. 12, 3; BO. 3.

CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA

Page 2, ll. 1, 14, 19. For Garumna read Garunna.

10, 1. 8. For conentur... possit read conarentur... posset.

10. The last foot-note may be deleted, as I prefer to accept the reading
of p.

44,1. 7. For contingant, hunc read contingant. Hunc

. 47, 1l. 11-12. For sublevarint read sublevarent.

47. The fifth foot-note should run as follows :— subletarent. Morus
proposed sublevarint ; but cf. v, 10, § 2.

. 49, 1. 7. For dubitet read dubitaret.

. 49. The third foot-note should run as follows :—dubitaret, following

sequatur, may seem anomalous; but it would be rash to
accept the emendation, dubitet.

. D5, 1. 4. For iis read his.

55, 1. 11. For sese read se. See Klotz, C. S., p. 287.

56. The second foot-note should run as follows :—adequitare, lapides . . .
coicere. For the Asyndeton cf. iii, 14, § 1; v, 39, § 8; 52,65;
vii, 90, $ 1.

68, 1. b. For iis read his.

86, 1. 12. For sese read se. See Klotz, C. S., p. 226.

105, 1. 17, and p. 110, 1. 7. For Coriosolites read Coriosolitas.

119, 1. 11. Delete impeditos. In B it is omitted.

127, 1. 6. For Garumni read Garunni.

. 188, 1. 20. For iis read his.

. 185, 1. 2. For ipsa read ipsi. See Klotz, €. S., p. 45, n. 2.

. 189, 1. 11. For his read iis.

The first volume of Meusel's revision of Kraner’s edition has just
appeared, and some of the foregoing corrections are due to his arguments.
On the other hand, he has abandoned various emendations, &c., which
I had already rejected (i, 12, § 2; 14, § 4; 30, § 2; 81, § 11; 46, $61, 4;
47, § 2; ii, 28, § 3; iii, 20, § 4; 22, § 1; iv, 17, § 6; 38, § 1) and adopted
one which I had accepted (i, 24, §§ 2-8 .

SPP PP PPT TT

STP PP PPT

Of the following additional notes those to which an asterisk is prefixed
supplement or modify existing foot-notes :—

i, 1, $ 2. dividi. The singular is used becau>e the Soine, being fed by the
Marne, is regarded as forming with it one whole, or perhaps
because each river is thought of separately, and the verb
referred to the nearest subject.

2, $1. It is doubtful whether (omnibus) copiis is equivalent to militibus
or to the Greek savógue! (men, women, and children) or
to opibus. Meusel decides for opibus, remarking that this is
what copiae means in Caesar when it does not mean ‘troops’.
But when Ariovistus praeter castra Caesaris suas copias traduxit
(48, $ 2), the copiae evidently included, or were accompanied
by, women and children, though Caesar may only have been
thinking of the troops. See 51, § 3.

16) CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA

*19 $ 4. The mXc on sire p 23, is perhaps hardly clear. I mean
that suem. is P«€ bere equivalemt to Jem fempore, bat that
nus... is equivalent to et... ect. Meosel may te right
.n supp sing that Caesar bad already said things which +
Was unnecessary to particularize ‘arm e; comlegqwi*er .and there
fore that mw is equivalent to prae'erea ;. tat I telieve tha
oma. ..tmbeet §§ 4-5 gives the cist of all that he said

*3»;:2. M-eae now mimits that Cacear may have written terre 76. ».
for similar phrases are frequent in Livy.

31.3 13. nr»s! does net mean the same as nempturas sit. The preset
terse shows that the punishment which Ariovistus ws:
expected to inflict was imminent. See the note on ii
32. 6 15.

*$5.64. Meus now admits dcaltfully that si id ita fecisset may te
genuire. for i4 € occurs in Cicero ,/4:t., ii, 24. § $; v, 4
$3; he.

Meusel suggests that qvod may here be equivalent to qw ad, ‘a
which sense the word is uxd by Varro.

43. $ L. pa ut Pater never takes a subjunctive except in negative
sentences, and rarely in them.

11,16. § L -rdwum. The reading of 8—tridus—may be right ; for when
Caesar uses an accusative of time, the verb ger. erally connetes
uninterrupted duration: but there is an exception in
i, 48,§ 3

* $3. $ 2. c mines in'ertis. On reconsideration I conclude that iw
agrees with scacis and that rimiribws is instrumental.

*S3.$ 1. cerent. Meusel now adopts Schneider's explanation of this
subjunctive, —* even. such tribés as dwelt’. He explains
similarly the subjunctives in ii, 27, $$ 1, 4.

lii 9. $ 7. -astissimo aque epertissómo is open to suspicion ; for the MSS
differ greatly. In B castisstmo afque is omitted : vastixsimo i»
inserted in s before nari : and v omits atque apertissimo.

*195.$ 2. - za 0m. X. mar.num.. Military tribunes, as such, had equestrian rark

11. à 9. 527::.57.€ &ac:*us ... ivseraf. M. Jullian , H. 6., iii, 999. thik:
that the ships which Caesar borrowed from the Pictones and
Santoni were used for transport “cf grain ?; ; but is it Le
possible that he may have thought it advisable to inchile
;n his fleet some ships of native build ?

1$. j$ - *. These ~entences were condemned as an interpolation iy
W. A. Hecker. who is now followed by Meusel. The weight
est reasens are that the passage contains statements which
Lave been already made in the same chapter and other
which are repeated in the next; that § 9 is obscure anl
ille gical, for the words cf in cadis consisterent tutius et ab aca:
actae nial saxa ef cotes timerent have no real connexion with
the preeding words, cum saerire centes coepisset ct 936 vento ded.s-
nt, which describe what took place in the open sea; and
finally that. ax commonly happens in interpolated s-as-ages
the readings of a and 8 differ widely. Every careful reader
will have noticed these things; and the passage is at !ea-t
-uspicious,

"IN 3 1. a3 rni causa, Perhaps the Gaul whom Sabinus employed was
a foct-s.ldier. for Crassus raised auxiliary infantry in Gaul
before he invaded Aquitania (20, $ 2); but this is the only
passage in which Caesar mentions Gallic auxiliary infantry.

"23. $ 7. It has been suggested as an alternative explanation that 4 i
may be merely a connecting particle like Quod si (i, 14, $3.

CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA 461

, 9, $ 2. interea. Even in an English translation ‘meanwhile’ might
conveniently come first in the sentence ; for, though interea
properly belongs to moteret, it also serves as a connecting
particle. If it had been placed after ne, another particle
would be indispensable.

§ 1. orabant, Schneider remarks that if the envoys had made only
one request, and not also that denoted by petebant, Caesar
would have written orarerunt. I doubt it : cf. vii, 78, § 4.
The imperfect seems to me to show that the request was
urgently reiterated.

,§ 7. The mere fact that Commius was arrested on landing (27, § 8)
proves nothing, for the tribes of South-Fastern Britain were
divided into antagonistic groups (4. B., p. 800); and if
Caesar wrote his, not tis (which is constantly confounded
with it), his regionibus may mean North-Eastern Gaul and
South-Eastern Britain, which were unitel by the closest
ties (1b., pp. 299-300).

, $ 9. auderet. It has been said that the legionaries on board the galley
could have protected Volusenus! What sort of a fight could
a few legionaries have made? Volusenus, with all his
faults, was no coward.

, $ 8. angustis. I might have added that, as Meusel himself remarks,
prognati (ii, 29, $ 4) is poetical, and that Caesar uses brevitas
(ii, 80, $ 4) in a sense which is elsewhere only found in
poets and late writers.

§ 2. frumentum, Though standing corn is generally denoted by the
plural, there is an exception in iv, 82, § 4. Perhaps, how-
ever, as Meusel suggests, the corn which Caesar ‘ brought in
daily from the fields’ had already been cut and stacked by
the Britons.

, $ 8. per temonem . . . consuerint. Meusel, remarking that ufi in dedivi
... flectere undoubtedly refers to the drivers, maintains that
they, and not the warriors, must have run along the pole.
What for? They were not performing in a circus. The
earlier words, Jta mobilitatem . . . in proeliis, evidently refer to
the warriors as well as the drivers; and it is clear that the
subject of the whole sentence is essedarii, i.e. warriors and
drivers. Which of the two is to be thought of as the subject
of each verb, is left to the reader's common sense.

§ 1. perturbatis nos'ris. Meusel, who agrees with me, remarks that
with auxilivm ferre Caesar generally uses a dative.

§ 5. equitatus includes essedarii (33, § 1.)

,$2. Schneider argues that nostro mari, by which most readers would
assume that Caesar meant tlie Mediterranean, was only that
part of it which lay between Italy and Spain: but the
passages which he cites (Sallust, Jugurtha, 17, § 4; 18, § 4;
Livy, xxvi, 42, § 4; xxviii, 1, § 3) only prove that the
Western Mediterranean was part of nostrum mare ; long before
Caesar's time the Eastern Mediterranean had been a highway
of traffic with Italy ; and Pomponius Mela (i, 1, $$ 6-7) says
that the whole expanse between the Straits of Gibraltar and
the Sea of Azof was called Nostrum mare. Besides, if
Schneider was right, Caesar distinguished between the ships
that sailed the Western Mediterranean and those that were
used in the various waters of the East, which is improbable:
reliquis maribus means all the waters navigated by the
Romans, except the Atlantic.

BY THE SAME EDITOR

lvo, pp. xl, 872, with a Map of Gaul, Seven Plans, and other
Illustrations

Price Twenty-four Shillings net. Clarendon Press

CAESARS CONQUEST OF GAUL

SECOND EDITION
REVISED THROUGHOUT AND LARGELY REWRITTEN

Extracts from Reviews.

‘Mr. Holmes's volume is agreed to be the best book on its subject in
iny language. Every Latin scholar and historian will rejoice that . . . this
idmirable work reaches its second edition.’—Professor F. HavERrFIELD in
Nassical Review.

* M. Camille Jullian, reviewing Mr. Holmes's work on Ancient Britain and
he Invasions of Julius Caesar . . . said that he should not be astonished if
England one day became proud of him. Those who can appreciate the
shoroughness, the honesty, the fine spirit, of Mr. Holmes's work, have long
igo become proud of him. . . . It is obvious that everyone who possesses
she first edition must also procure the second . . . such is the vigour and
spirit of Mr. Holmes's writing, that he will be certain to find abundance
Xf interest and even of entertainment at every page he turns to.'—Mr. WARDE
FowLER in Journal of Roman Studies.

‘Mr. Holmes's work, which may be said to have become a classic of re-
warch... .—Mr. H. SrvART Jones in English Historical Review.

* It would require half-a-dozen reviews to set forth in full all the merits
of this many-sided book.'— Times.

* Cet inestimable ouvrage . . . Sous sa nouvelle forme, il sera, de plus en
plus, le compagnon indispensable pour toute étude sur César et la conquéte
je la Gaule.'—M. L. LAvRAND in Revue de Philologie.

*In every respect the work is excellent, Along with Camille Jullian's
Histoire de la Gaule (volume iii) it is the most important work which we
possess on Caesar's Gallic War, indispensable for every student of Caesar . .
»ven those who already possess the first edition cannot dispense with the
second. Teachers who have to give instruction in Caesar should master this
pook; in the library of every classical school, at least, there ought to be
a copy.’

(* So ist das Werk in jeder Beziehung vorzüglich. Inhaltlich ist es neben
Camille Jullians Histoire de la Gaule—namentlich Band IllI—das bedeu-
Lendste Werk, das wir über Cüsars Bellum Gallicum besitzen, für jeden
Cüsarforscher unentbehrlich . . . auch wer schon die erste Auflage besitzt,
wird die zweite nicht entbehren kónnen. Auch die Lehrer, die Cüsar im
Unterricht zu behandeln haben, sollten dies Buch durcharbeiten ; in jeder
Gymnasialbibliothek wenigstens sollte es zu finden sein.'— Professor H.
MEUSEL in Berliner philologische Wochenschrift.)

* I venture to suggest that this [first] part might with advantage be pub-
lished in a separate form: it would make an excellent book for schoolboys
to read in connexion with their study of the text, for it would help them
more than any book that I know to realise the ever-present interest and
the military and political significance of this great period of Roman expan-
sion. In accuracy it is superior to Mr. Froude’s narrative, and I think it is
not inferior to it in style.—Mr. A. G. Pesxetr (in a notice of the first edition)
in Classical Review.